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考研英语法律类阅读理解专项训练

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专门做法律类的阅读理解,突破自己考研英语的这一块。下面是本站小编给大家整理的考研英语法律类阅读理解专项训练,供大家参阅!

考研英语法律类阅读理解专项训练
  考研英语法律类阅读理解专项训练:GOING BACK AND GETTING IT RIGHT

By almost every measure, Paul Pfingst is an unsentimental prosecutor. Last week the San Diego County district attorney said he fully intends to try suspect Charles Andrew Williams, 15, as an adult for the Santana High School shootings. Even before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California

law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.

So nobody would have wagered that Pfingst would also be the first D.A. in the U.S. to launch his very own Innocence Project. Yet last June, Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools. In other words, he wanted to revisit past victories--this time playing for the other team. "I think people misunderstand being conservative for being biased," says Pfingst. "I consider myself a pragmatic guy, and I have no interest in putting innocent people in jail."

Around the U.S., flabbergasted defense attorneys and their jailed clients cheered his move. Among prosecutors, however, there was an awkward pause. After all, each DNA test costs as much as $5,000. Then there's the unspoken risk: if dozens of innocents turn up, the D.A. will have indicted his shop.

But nine months later, no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted. Only the rare case merits review. Pfingst's team considers convictions before 1993, when the city started routine DNA testing. They discard cases if the defendant has been released. Of the 560 remaining files, they have re-examined 200, looking for cases with biological evidence and defendants who still claim innocence.

They have identified three so far. The most compelling involves a man serving 12 years for molesting a girl who was playing in his apartment. But others were there at the time. Police found a small drop of saliva on the victim's shirt--too small a sample to test in 1991. Today that spot could free a man. Test results are due any day. Inspired by San Diego, 10 other counties in the U.S. are starting DNA audits.

By Amanda Ripley ez ncisco sijevic rtwell; Lisa McLaughlin; Joseph Pierro; Josh Tyrangiel and Sora Song

注(1)本文选自Time; 03/19/2001, Vol. 157 Issue 11, p62, 1p, 2c, 3bw

注(2)本文习题命题模仿对象2004年真题text 1.

did Pfingst carry out his own Innocence Project?

[A]By getting rid of his bias against the suspects.

[B]By revisiting the past victories.

[C]By using the newly developed DNA-testing tools.

[D]By his cooperation with his attorneys.

h of the following can be an advantage of Innocence Project?

[A]To help correct the wrong judgments.

[B]To oust the unqualified prosecutors.

[C]To make the prosecutors in an awkward situation.

[D]To cheer up the defense attorneys and their jailed clients.

expression “flabbergasted”(Line 1, Paragraph 3) most probably means _______.

[A]excited

[B]competent

[C]embarrassed

[D]astounded

was Pfingst an unsentimental prosecutor?

[A]He intended to try a fifteen-year old suspect.

[B]He had no interest in putting the innocent in jail.

[C]He supported the controversial California law.

[D]He wanted to try suspect as young as fourteen.

h of the following is not true according to the text?

[A]Pfingst’s move didn’t have a great coverage.

[B] Pfingst’s move had both the positive and negative effect.

[C] Pfingst’s move didn’t work well.

[D]Pfingst’s move greatly encouraged the jailed prisoners.

答案:CADBC

篇章剖析

本文采用的是记叙文的模式。第一段指出芬斯特作为一位铁面无私的检查官的一些做法;第二段指出芬斯特实施“清白计划”的打算及做法;第三段指出实施“清白计划”造成的反应以及可能存在的问题;第四段和第五段是实施“清白计划”的结果和影响。

词汇注释

prosecutor [5prRsIkju:tE(r)]n.检察官 ,检察员,起诉人,原告

controversial [kRntrE5v:F(E)l]adj.争论的, 争议的

mandate [5mAndeIt]v.批准制订一个训令,如通过法律;发布命令或要求:

wager [5weIdVE(r)]v.下赌注, 保证

conviction [kEn5vIkF(E)n]n.定罪, 宣告有罪

unravel[Qn5rAv(E)l]v. 阐明, 解决

flabbergast[5flAbE^B:st; (?@) -^Ast]v.<口>使大吃一惊, 哑然失色, 使目瞪口呆

indict[In5daIt]v.起诉, 控告, 指控, 告发

bust[bQst]v.破产或缺钱

oust[aJst]v.剥夺, 取代, 驱逐

discard[dI5skB:d]v.抛开;遗弃;废弃

molest[mE5lest]v.骚乱, 困扰, 调戏

saliva[sE5laIvE]n.口水, 唾液

难句突破

before the tragedy, Pfingst had stood behind the controversial California law that mandates treating murder suspects as young as 14 as adults.

主体句式:…Pfingst had stood behind …

结构分析:Even before the tragedy是本句的时间状语;主句是Pfingst had stood behind…;that 引导的宾语从句修饰law;在从句中,as…as是一词组,意思是“和…一样”;出现的第三个as是介词,意思是“作为”。

句子译文:甚至在这场悲剧发生之前芬斯特就支持加利福尼亚州的一项颇有争议的法律。这项法律规定,以成人身份受审的谋杀嫌疑犯的最低年龄可以降到十四岁。

题目分析

1.答案为C,属事实细节题。文中对应信息“Pfingst told his attorneys to go back over old murder and rape convictions and see if any unravel with newly developed DNA-testing tools.”是对第二段第一句的补充说明。

2.答案为A,属推理判断题。从上下文我们可以得知,实施“清白计划”就是使用先进的DNA技术来重新审理过去的案件当中可能存在的冤案错案。

3.答案为D, 属猜词题。从第二段第一句话我们得知芬斯特可能是美国第一个实施非常独特的“清白计划”的人,因此他的做法很可能是令人感到吃惊的,从而可猜出该词的含义。

4.答案为B,属推理判断题。从第一段和第二段给出的事例我们可以看出,芬斯特不愿放过任何一个犯罪的人,即便他的年龄还不算大;他也不愿使无辜者蒙冤,即便案件已经审理。

5.答案为C,属推理判断题。正因为 “Pfingst’s move works well”,美国才又有“ten other counties are starting DNA audits”,而且,“no budgets have been busted or prosecutors ousted”.

参考译文

重新审理,有错必纠

用任何标准衡量,保罗·芬斯特都不是位感情用事的检察官。上周,圣地亚哥县地方检察官说,他决意对桑塔纳高中枪杀案疑犯—15岁的查尔斯·安德鲁·威廉斯—作为成人进行审讯。甚至在这场悲剧发生之前芬斯特就支持加利福尼亚州的一项颇有争议的法律。这项法律规定,以成人身份受审的谋杀嫌疑犯的最低年龄可以降到十四岁。

谁也不能保证芬斯特会成为美国第一个实施自己“清白计划”的地方检察官。然而,去年六月,芬斯特告诉手下的律师对过去的谋杀罪和强奸罪重新进行审理,看是否有能用最新的DNA检验工具揭开的无头案件。换句话说,他想重新回顾过去的胜利——这回是为了另一方。“我想人们把保守错误地理解成了心存偏见。”芬斯特说,“我认为我自己是一个讲究实际的人。我并无意把无辜的人送进监狱。”

在美国,那些哑然失色的辩护律师及其被收监的当事人为他的举动感到欢欣鼓舞。然而,在检察官当中却出现了令人尴尬的沉默。毕竟每一次DNA检测的费用都高达5,000美元。这其中还存在隐含的风险——如果出现众多的无罪受害者,地方检察官肯定会自砸饭碗。

九个月后,并没有出现资金短缺或检察官被罢免的情况。只有极少数案件需要重新审理。该市是从1993年开始进行常规DNA检测的,因此芬斯特的手下只考虑1993年前宣判的案件,并排除了那些被告已被释放的案例。在560份现存档案中,他们重新审理了200份,主要是寻找那些留有生物证据的案件和被告人仍声明无罪的案件。

到目前为止,他们只确定了三起案件。其中有一起案件最引人注意。案件的当事人因被控调戏一名在他的公寓玩耍的女孩而被判服刑12年。案发时还有他人在场。警方在受害人的衬衣上发现了一小滴唾液—这个样本太小,无法在1991年检验。但在今天,那滴唾液却能使一个人获释。检验结果什么时候都可以拿到。受圣地亚哥的影响,美国又有10个县开始用DNA对案件进行审核。

  考研英语法律类阅读理解专项训练:POOR GRADE FOR VOUCHERS

A judge flunks Cleveland's use of vouchers for parochial schools. But will that stall the movement?

Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Der

rick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith."

That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory.

Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school."

Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments."

Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.

~~~~~~~~

By Jodie Morse Time; 12/31/99, Vol. 154 Issue 27, p220, 2/3p, 1c

注(1):本文选自By Jodie Morse Time; 12/31/99, Vol. 154 Issue 27, p220, 2/3p, 1c

注(2):本文习题命题模仿对象2004年真题text 2

does the author intend to illustrate with Derrick’s change of performance in different schools?

[A] the role voucher program plays in helping children get better education

[B] the change a parochial school can bring to a child

[C] the poor education quality of public schools

[D] the importance of enrolling kids of poor performance in private schools

can we infer from the second paragraph?

[A] Parents do not have a choice when they send their children to religious schools.

[B]. The judge’s ruling is helpful in building better public schools.

[C] Teaching religious stuff in schools is a violation of the Constitution.

[D] Teachers of public schools do not welcome the idea of voucher program.

does “advance religion through government-supported religious indoctrination” (Line 5, Paragraph 2) mean?

[A] promote religious ideas in public schools with government support

[B] collect government resources to support religious activities

[C] help religious schools use public fund to spread religious ideas

[D] allow religion to interfere with government work

4th paragraph suggests that _________________.

[A] Judge Oliver’s ruling has caused political debate between the Republicans and the Democrats.

[B] George W. Bush is in favor of voucher program.

[C] Voucher program does more good than harm.

[D] Democrats have a low opinion of voucher program.

h of the following is true according to the text?

[A] The author thinks that voucher program is more of a curse than a blessing.

[B] The U.S Supreme Court will not support voucher program.

[C] Parents will have no choice but send their children to religious schools if they join in the voucher program.

[D] Voucher program is still a controversial issue in legal and political areas.

答案:ADCBD

篇章剖析

本篇文章以具体事例为引子,采用对比分析的方法,就教育券计划在美国所产生的广泛影响进行分析。在第一段以一个具体事例说明教育券计划给米兰卡克的儿子德里克带来的变化,接着在第二段说明教育券计划引发的争论和司法诉讼,在第三段提出支持者的意见,第四段和第五段说明教育券计划正逐渐赢得司法的支持。

词汇注释

voucher [5vaJtFE(r)]n. 代金券;教育券

flunk [flQNk]v. (使)失败

parochial [pE5rEJkIEl] adj. 教区的

stall [stC:l]v. (使)停转, (使)停止, 迟延

forklift [5fC:klIft] n. <美>[机]铲车,叉式升降机

Mass [mAs, mB:s] n. (天主教的)弥撒

crisp [krIsp] adj. 崭新的;明显干净的或新的:

sectarian [sek5teErIEn] adj. 宗派的;教派的

secular [5sekjJlE(r)]adj. 非宗教的,世俗的

indoctrination [In5dRktrIneIF(E)n] n. 教导, 教化

Amendment [E5mendmEnt]n. 修正案

charter school: 特许学校 ([美国]不受地方教育主管机构管理,具有不同于其他学校的课程设置和教育理念的公立学校)

magnet school: 英才学校 (提供专业课程,具有较高学术水准的公立学校)

prod [ prCd ] v. 督促;推动

appeal [E5pi:l]n. 上诉

难句突破

ng Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination."

主体句式:Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that…

结构分析:这个句子是个复杂句,citing是现在分词做方式状语,在wrote后面由that引导的宾语从句又是一个复杂结构,包含了because引导的原因状语从句,还有advancing这个现在分词引导的结果状语。理解这样的复杂长句时,应该先确定句子的主语和谓语,再确定其他句子成分。

句子译文:所罗门·奥利弗法官引用杰斐逊和麦迪逊的话写道,因为参与教育券计划的学校中有五分之四是宗教学校,这一计划实际上剥夺了家长在世俗学校和宗教学校之间做出“真正选择”的机会,继而“通过政府支持的宗教教育扩大宗教影响”。

题目分析

1.答案是A,属推理判断题。 文中先说Derrick在公立学校的糟糕表现,再说在教区学校所取得的进步,作者用“Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program”来说明Derrick的前后变化归功于教育券计划的实施,并为下文讨论教育券计划做好了铺垫。

2. 答案是D,属推理判断题。从第二段最后一行“voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory”可以看出教师们对教育券计划持反对态度。

3. 答案是C,属猜词题。文中第二段法官裁定克利夫兰教育券计划违背了宪法政教分离的原则,也就是说政府资金不应该用于资助教授宗教内容的宗教学校。由此可见如果允许在宗教学校中使用教育券,就会导致公共资金被用于宗教传播活动。

4. 答案是B,属事实细节题。文中第四段第四行提到“George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals.”trumpet意为“鼓吹,宣传”。

5. 答案是D, 属推理判断题。从全文列举的材料来看,有裁定教育券计划违宪的例子(第二段),也有说明许多州立法机关和法院支持教育券计划的例子(第四段);有支持着的意见,也有反对者的意见,但并没有最终的定论。由此可见,教育券计划仍然备受争议。

参考译文:

为教育券打低分

法官裁定克利夫兰将教育券用于教区学校的做法违法。但这一裁定会妨碍教育券运动吗?

沃特·米兰卡克在公立学校的不快经历早在儿子德里克上幼儿园的时候就开始了。当时德里克所在的幼儿园人满为患,学生们上课经常打架,骂老师。米兰卡克想让德里克转学,但他做叉车司机的收入支付不了私立学校的学费。好在米兰卡克终于找到了一个办法,这还要归功于克利夫兰首创的学校教育券计划。这一计划拨给他将近1500美元的州基金帮他让德里克在附近的圣·斯坦尼斯洛斯天主教学校注册上学。现在德里克穿着崭新的校服。他的阅读能力已经有所提高。每周做弥撒和学习圣经也使德里克受到熏陶,现在他不用人催就会每天做祷告。他爸爸说:“这所学校真的在培养他的信念。”

可是,这与其说是件好事,不如说是件坏事。上周一位联邦法官裁定该计划违背了宪法政教分离的原则,这给克利夫兰的教育券计划带来了沉重打击。所罗门·奥利弗法官引用杰斐逊和麦迪逊的话写道,因为参与教育券计划的学校中有五分之四是宗教学校,这一计划实际上剥夺了家长在世俗学校和宗教学校之间做出“真正选择”的机会,继而“通过政府支持的宗教教育扩大宗教影响”。这一裁决是最近几个月来第四起禁止在教区学校使用教育券的裁决,而反对教育券的人---主要是教师工会和自由主义利益团体---则把它视为一场重大胜利。

支持教育券的人---由内城区的家长和保守团体形成的一支不同寻常的联合阵线---反驳认为这位法官既不理解克利夫兰计划,也没有领会“宪法第一修正案”的真正含义。他们指出,那些不喜欢交换学校的克利夫兰家长可以把他们的孩子送到城里的正规公立学校,或者特许公立学校和英才学校(magnet school)。司法学院的律师克林特·伯里克曾为教育券计划辩护,他说:“没有人能迫使一个孩子参与一个项目,或者进入一所宗教学校。”

虽然最近遭遇了挫折,但教育券运动正在各州立法机构和一些州法院赢得支持。今年秋季,佛罗里达开始了第一项全州教育券计划。威斯康星最高法院也赞同密尔沃基教区学校使用教育券。在总统选举中,共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩和乔治·W·布什都积极支持教育券计划。虽然副总统艾尔·戈尔在一则广告中宣称教育券是“一个严重错误”,其民主党内的对手比尔·布莱德里却对它们持支持态度,至少把它们当作“实验”。

尽管美国最高法院拒绝审理几起选校案件,法律专家怀疑案情清楚的克利夫兰教育券案也许会促使高院行动起来。与此同时,奥利弗法官同意在他的裁决被上诉期间让德里克·米兰卡克和近4000名参与克利夫兰教育券计划的其他学生继续留在他们所在的学校里。

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