我无法对特朗普当选保持平静

Calm down dear my fellow interviewee instructed me on BBC Newsnight when.

平静些，亲爱的，和我一起在BBC《新闻之夜》(Newsnight)中接受采访的女士开导我。

A day after the US election I dialled the vehemence up to 11.

那是在美国大选的次日，我情绪激昂。

I paid her no heed.

我没有听她的建议。

Calming down is always the medicine prescribed to the losers by the winners lest their self-congratulation be inconvenienced by opposition.

平静下来一直是赢家开给输家的处方，以免自己的沾沾自喜被反对者搅乱。

But bowing to the judgment of the polls does not entail a suspension of dissent, especially, when, as in this case, the election involves shameless suppression of votes, the politicisation of the FBI and the cyber-interference of the Russians.

但是服从投票结果并不意味着压制异见，特别是像这次，选举涉及无耻的抑制选票、美国联邦调查局(FBI)政治化以及俄罗斯网络干预。

If cherishing democracy mandates acceptance of the poll, it also presupposes the right to opposition.

如果说珍惜民主体制意味着接受投票结果，那么这一点也预设了反对的权利。

And when that opposition is demonised as disloyal it needs to raise its voice.

而当反对方被妖魔化为不忠时，它需要更大声地发表意见。

There is, after all, much to get noisy about.

毕竟，当今有很多值得争辩的地方。

Weirdly, the American public that has awarded the outgoing president a popularity rating of 56 per cent has also elected someone who intends to delete the entirety of the Obama presidency.

吊诡的是，美国民众赋予了即将离任的总统56%的支持率，却选出了一位打算删掉奥巴马总统任期全部政治遗产的人。

Now that Republicans control the White House and both houses of Congress, Mr Trump will have a free hand to repeal the Affordable Care Act (depriving millions of Americans of insurance),

由于共和党控制了白宫和参众两院，特朗普将可以放手废除《平价医疗法》(Affordable Care Act)（剥夺成百上千万美国人的医保）、

fashion a Supreme Court to overthrow the Roe v Wade ruling on abortion, repudiate the Paris climate change accord, abandon the Iran nuclear agreement and get rid of the Dodd-Frank bank regulation designed to prevent a repeat of the conduct that brought on the Great Recession.

改组最高法院(Supreme Court)以推翻罗伊诉韦德案(Roe v. Wade)中对堕胎合法化的裁决、退出巴黎气候变化协定、抛弃伊朗核协议、并且废止旨在防止大衰退重演的银行监管规则——《多德-弗兰克法》(Dodd-Frank Act)。

It is said that Mr Trump’s slash-and-burn instincts will be moderated by experienced counsellors — they won’t.

有人说，特朗普的任性本能将被经验丰富的顾问们调和——这不可能。

He did it His Way and the doubters and fence-sitters will all be replaced by dependable sycophants.

特朗普靠着我行我素入主白宫，怀疑者和观望者将被可信赖的奉承者取代。

Knowing that his appeal to the voters was all about big-boy attitude, Mr Trump will make this a presidency of I Alone Can Fix It.

知道了他对选民的吸引力就在于老大态度后，特朗普将使只有我自己可以搞定成为他的总统任期的标志。

Doubtless the speechwriters are even now penning an inaugural address featuring the usual bromides about overcoming division.

毫无疑问，演讲稿撰写人现在就在撰写一份克服分歧之类的就职演说。

Coming from someone who knows perfectly well that the way he separated himself from the pack was to throw the red meat of abuse to the crowd, turning Hillary Clinton into a felon, this will be a bad joke.

这样的套话出自一个深知让自己脱颖而出的手段就是把辱骂的红肉扔给众人，把希拉里•克林顿(Hillary Clinton)说成重罪犯的人，简直是一个蹩脚的笑话。

The lingering effects of his malignant, incendiary rhetoric will not be dispelled by a sudden show of Kumbaya.

特朗普恶毒、煽动性言论的遗留影响，不会因其突然演唱《康巴亚》（Kumbaya，美国的传统宗教歌曲——译者注）而消除。

They will hang in the political climate like toxic fog, not least because he knows that should he fail to deliver on his countless undeliverable promises, he can always fire up the zealots with another round of scapegoating against the usual suspects: the international conspiracy of banks and media and the city elites accused of talking down to regular folk and sneering at the American dream.

它们将像毒雾一样漂浮在政治气氛中，特别是因为他知道，一旦他作出的无数没法兑现的承诺落空了，他总可以再迁怒于通常的嫌疑人——银行和媒体的国际阴谋，以及被指责贬低普通民众并嘲讽美国梦的城市精英，从而煽动狂热者。

These have been the bugbears of American nativist populism for almost as long as there has been an America.

差不多自美国诞生以来，这些一直是美国本土民粹主义的妖怪。

One of the great paradoxes of American nationality is that it has been built simultaneously around both the embrace and the rejection of immigrant identity.

美国人身份认同的一大矛盾是，它同时围绕接受和反对移民身份而建立。

To a degree inconceivable anywhere else, American patriotism was indifferent to origins (though not, of course, to race).

在某种程度上对其他地方不可思议的是，美国的爱国主义不在乎原籍（尽管不能说不在乎种族）。

But the very success of the immigrant republic also generated spasms of violent nativism.

但是这个移民共和国的成功本身也催生了一波波的暴力本土主义。

In the 1850s, the targets were Irish and Italian Catholics; in the 1880s, the Chinese; in the 1900s, Jews from eastern Europe.

19世纪50年代，本土主义的目标是爱尔兰和意大利天主教徒；19世纪80年代，目标是华人；到了20世纪头十年，目标又成了来自东欧的犹太人。

Mr Trump’s populism is just the latest edition of this sweaty agitation.

特朗普的民粹主义只是这种亢奋鼓动的最新版本。

Unlike the tin ear of the Clinton campaign, he has had perfect pitch, channelling the rage of the left behind and the nostalgic yearning to get back an unsullied homeland as imaginary as the village-green idyll of the British Brexiters.

和不接地气的希拉里竞选团队不同，他祭出了完美的竞选说辞，引导被遗忘之人的愤怒，以及选民对于恢复纯净国土的怀旧渴望，尽管这样的愿景就像英国退欧派吹嘘的充满诗情画意的绿色田园景象一样，纯属臆想。

Such feverish dreams of purification and restoration are the contagion of our times.

此类对纯净化和恢复的狂热梦想成了我们时代的瘟疫。

Two unrelated phenomena — a socially unequal recovery from recession and the wash of desperate migrations across the world — have been connected, the latter made to explain the former.

两个毫不相关的现象——从衰退复苏过程中的社会不平等、以及绝望的移民涌向世界各地——被联系在一起，后者被用来解释前者。

The blame for the contraction of low-skill jobs is laid at the door of wily foreigners and low-wage labour.

低技能工作岗位减少的罪魁祸首，成了狡猾的外国人和低收入劳工。

The fuse of resentment, lit by the demagogue, blooms into poisonous flame.

煽动者点燃的愤怒的导火索，演变成了有毒的火焰。

The manner of Mr Trump’s victory will persuade other nativists and crypto-fascists that success in their own elections next year will best be served by ramping up the paranoia.

特朗普胜利的方式将说服其他本土主义者和隐藏的法西斯主义者相信，要在明年的选举中获胜，他们最好升高偏执言论的分贝。

Internationalism and cosmopolitanism will be represented as the realm of the devilish establishment.

国际主义和世界主义将被描述成邪恶体制的一部分。

The walls of protection and the watchtowers of the security state will rise over the citadel nation.

保护的高墙和警察国家的城楼将在城堡之国建起。

Freedom will be sacrificed to safety.

自由将沦为安全的牺牲品。

All this will assuredly come to pass, unless heterogeneous city culture — with all its disorderly creativity, its flowing tides of newcomers and outgoers — finds unapologetic champions.

这一切必定会成为现实——除非多姿多彩的城市文化（伴随所有无序的创造力、源源不断的新移民和离开者）找到坚定的倡导者。

It was the fatal error of the Clinton campaign to suppose that an arid menu of policy proposals was the same thing as a full-throated defence of modernity.

希拉里阵营的致命错误是以为一份干巴巴的政策提议等同于为现代社会有力辩护。

Whatever rises from the rubble of liberalism’s debacle must never repeat that mistake.

无论从自由主义惨败的废墟中诞生出什么，都必须确保永远不重复这一错误。

The decencies of modern life need to be argued with militant passion and broadcast to places where it can be heard by people who don’t read broadsheets.

现代生活的体面需要用激昂的热情来捍卫，并且传播到不读大报的人也能听到的角落。

What neither America nor the rest of world can afford right now is to keep calm and carry on.

眼下，无论美国还是世界其他地方都承担不起的就是保持冷静和继续前进。